最新演讲稿名人(范本8篇)。
所有改变，都源于对改变本身的强烈渴望。为了在台上更好地表现自己，我们应该整理好自己的演讲稿并背下来。优秀的演讲稿很容易与观众感情交融，一篇优秀的演讲稿是怎么样的呢？下面是小编为大家整理的“最新演讲稿名人(范本8篇)”，相信您可以学习借鉴。
演讲稿名人(篇1)
亲爱的俄罗斯公民！
尊敬的各位来宾！
三军将士们！
今天是伟大胜利的纪念日，是和平的节日，是正义与胜利的节日，是战胜**的善良与自由的节日。我向你们表示祝贺。
已经过去60年了。但每年5月9日，我们都会悼念那些死去的人，并回顾战争。那是一场呼唤我们的理性、呼唤我们崇高责任感的战争。
它使我们深深地意识到，当时的世界处于怎样的悬崖之边缘，暴力和种族仇视、**和**会导致多么可怕的后果。
我们将永远铭记这些暴行给人类带来的恐惧、羞辱和死亡。
我们将永远尊重当时所有献出生命的人，那些浴血奋战的人，那些在后方无私工作的人。
我们将永远缅怀死者。作为得救者，我们向他们致以人类最崇高的谢意。
第二次世界大战的火焰席卷了61个国家，影响了近80%的世界人口。这场肆虐的战争不仅席卷欧洲，还波及亚非国家，波及埃及和澳大利亚，并已波及大洋彼岸的新大陆和阿拉斯加。然而，决定这场非人道战争局势及其最终结果的最残酷和决定性的事件发生在苏联。
法西斯分子企图用闪电战奴役我们的人民。事实上，他们想毁灭我们的国家。 他们的图谋破产了。
苏联军队首先阻止了纳粹在莫斯科的进攻。在接下来的三年里，苏军不仅顶住了敌人的压力，而且最终把敌人赶回了老巢。
莫斯科和斯大林格勒战役的胜利、重重围困中的列宁格勒的英勇不屈、库尔斯克弧形地带和第聂伯河沿岸所取得的战果决定了第二次世界大战的最终结局。通过解放欧洲并发动柏林战役，苏联红军结束了战争。
亲爱的朋友们！
我们从来没有把胜利分为自己的胜利和别人的胜利。我们将永远牢记盟友的帮助，包括美国、英国、法国、反希特勒联盟的其他国家，以及德国和意大利的反法西斯人士。
今天，我们在此向所有抵抗纳粹的欧洲人致敬。
但是，我们也知道，苏联在战争年代损失了几千万公民。战场上牺牲的士兵来自前苏联各民族。当时苏联各族人民和各共和国人民遭受了不可挽回的损失。
伤痛降临到每一座房屋、每一个家庭。因此，5月9日是独立国家联合体所有成员国的神圣日子。
我们对后代有同样的不幸、同样的记忆和同样的责任。
我们应当将这种同史同源、同心同德和同愿同望之精神传递给后人。
我相信我们别无选择，只能和睦相处，友好相待。 俄罗斯愿意与我们的近邻和世界上所有国家建立友好关系，这种关系不应仅仅依靠过往的教训来维系巩固，而且应面向我们共同的未来。
历史告诉我们：各国和各民族都应尽一切努力，不再忽略这样一个问题：新的致命学说如何产生，新的威胁如何形成，由什么转变而来。
战争的教训提醒我们，纵容暴力、冷漠和等待将导致可怕的世界悲剧。因此，面对当前客观存在的恐怖主义威胁，我们应当忠实于我们的父辈，应当捍卫以安全与公正为基础的，以既不允许“冷战”也不允许“热战”重演的相互关系为基础的国际秩序。
自全球对抗时代结束以来，我们朝着确保欧洲和平与安宁的崇高目标迈出了大步。
我们正在建立一个以自由和民主为基础的政治框架，我们认为每个国家都有权选择自己的发展道路。我们的政策是建立在各族人民相互信任和共同追求文明的基础上的。其中包括那些经历过对抗，然后成功找到对话与合作道路的人。
俄罗斯和德国之间的历史性和解就是这一政策的成功例子。我认为，这种和解是战后欧洲最宝贵的成就之一。这种模式应该在当今的国际政治中得到推广。 尊敬的俄罗斯公民！
尊敬的各位来宾！
对我国来说，无论是过去还是将来，5月9日永远是一个神圣的日子，永远是一个使我们大家受到鼓舞、得到升华的节日。
这一天，我们的内心百感交集－－有高兴也有哀伤，有悲悯也有崇敬。
这一天唤起我们最崇高的道德良知，使我们有机会再一次向那些施予我们生存、劳作、快乐、创造和相互理解之自由的人表达敬意。
在中国，胜利日是最深情、最真实的国庆节。对于前苏联各族人民来说，胜利日永远是人民取得伟大成就的日子。对欧洲和世界来说，胜利日总是拯救世界的日子。
我们的祖先为了国家的荣誉和自由献出了生命。他们团结起来保卫祖国。
今天，我要向所有参加过伟大卫国战争的老战士们深深鞠躬，祝你们健康长寿。
胜利属于老兵！ 光荣属于俄罗斯！ 祝你们胜利日快乐！
演讲稿名人(篇2)
篇一：竞选演讲稿范例
中队长竞选稿 (一)
大家好。我是六班的。今天，我带着老师们的期待和同学们的信任来到这里，竞选班长。
这次，我竞选的是中队长的职位，竞选的依据是：其一，我的学习成绩在班上一直名列前茅，久经考场，难得糊涂；其二，我的工作能力强，记得有一次，正是开学第一天，章校长叫我和我同学一起去搬书，顺便帮一年级搬书，我们帮一（1）班搬完书，又帮一（2）班搬书，这时我们已经疲劳不堪，但在我的鼓励下，我班同学帮一年级的所有的同学搬完书；三是性格开朗，善于与师生交朋友，乐于助人。我有一颗为全校服务的热诚。其四，我有许多兴趣爱好，会踢球、下棋、打牌等，我最喜欢的是打电脑，因为每当我有什么疑问，我就会用电脑查资料；每当我觉得有点累的时候，我就会打开电脑听**放松；每当我有任何需要，我都会用电脑。
所有这些都给了我竞选的信信和勇气。
如果我是中队队长，我首先要树立服务意识。热爱和关心每一个队员，真心实意地为他们服务，开展好丰富多彩的少先队活动，让每一个队员都能在少先队组织中愉快的生活，不断的进步。
假如我是中队长，我要树立“小主人”意识。因为少先队员是自己的组织，少先队员是少先队员的主人。作为中队长，应该在工作中发扬“小主人精神”，自觉主动地开展工作，自己组织自己，自己教育自己，自己管理自己，学会当家作主的真本领。
假如我是中队长，我要树立“榜样”意识。我们要时终严格要求自己，以身作则，要求队员们做好。学习上，刻苦认真；生活上，勤俭节约；工作上，冲锋在前，成为领头雁。
假如我是中队长，我要树立“团结”意识。少先队组织是个大家庭，队长和队员是平等的，我要虚心听取大家的意见，团结和带领大队委员，发扬“一团火精神”。严于律己，宽厚待人。
假如我是中队长，我要树立“学习”意识。成为中尉不仅是一种荣誉，而且是一种责任。组长的工作不是负担，而是一个极好的学习机会。在温暖的少先队员家庭里，我要向别人学习，弥补自己的不足，互相学习，共同进步。
拿破仑说过：“不想当元帅的士兵不是一个好士兵。”今天，我作为同学们推荐的候选人，我想说：我不仅想做元帅，而且希望成为一名出色成功的能为大家谋利益的元帅——中队长。
竞选稿 (二)
尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：
大家好！
还考验了我们在校园的生活中,是否能很好的团结同学，有较好的人缘。我参加的目的是锻炼自己，提高综合素质，更好地为同学服务。
我很高兴站在这个平台上，面对同学们熟悉的面孔，参与到班干部运动中来。在这一刻，我感到心里非常激动。历经五年的沉浮，成功的喜悦和失败的教训使我茁壮成长。我相信，无论今天离开这里后的选举结果如何，我都会发自内心底感到高兴。
既然它是一朵花，我会敞开心扉，为世界增添一点美丽；因为它是一棵树，我将长成一根为国家服务的柱子；既然是石头，我就去铺路！流星的光辉来自与天体的摩擦，珍珠的璀璨来自贝壳的眼泪，而一个班级的优秀来自班干部的领导和全体同学的共同努力。
我相信在同学的帮助下，我能做好这项工作。我衷心希望我的真诚和勇气能打动你，希望你能信任我，支持我，请投我宝贵的一票！
谢谢大家。
竞选稿 (三)
敬爱的老师，亲爱的伙伴们：
大家好！
我叫***，今天是我第一次站在讲台上演讲，我竞选的班干部职位是我们班的“环保小卫士”。
“环保小卫士”在同学们眼中可能就是班里的清洁工，受苦受累的职位，而我却不是这样认为的。我认为“环保小卫士”是一个能很好锻炼人的职位。我平时在家就是小皇帝、小王子，衣来伸手，饭来张口，一点家务活都不会干，无论什么事遇到一点小挫折便退缩放弃。
别看我都快11岁了，可我就是没主见。从幼儿园到现在都五年级了，几乎所有的事情都是爸爸妈妈一手操办的，就连我以前班干部的“官职”都是老师给我安排的，没有一个班干部的职位是我自己争取的。所以我想把握住这次机会，自己争取做班干部，当好这个“环保小卫士”，从而好好锻炼自己，磨练自己，使自己成为有上进心；有责任心和爱心的全新的自我。
并使自己变得坚强有主见，今后不但自己的事情自己做，而且还要干好班里“环保小卫士”应该做好的工作。
如果这次竞选成功，我将忠实地履行我的诺言。磨练自己，干好“环保小卫士”的工作。我希望老师和学生支持和监督我。
如果我竞选失败，说明我有很多地方还达不到老师和同学们的要求，我会把它看成是一次锻炼自己的机会，并会加倍努力，争取早一点达的你们的要求。
最后，我真诚地希望你投我一票，支持我，鼓励我。
我的演讲完毕！谢谢大家！
竞选稿 (四)
大家好！今天，我站在讲台上的唯一目标就是争当“班级元首”--班长。班长就是这样一个理想的职位，当然，我也渴望成为一个名副其实的班长。
在班干部面前，我自信、干练、负责。
我不敢说我是最合适的，但我敢说我会是最勤奋的！
假如我当上了班长，我会严格要求自己，为同学树立榜样，相信在我们的共同努力下，充分发挥每个人的聪明才智，使我们的整个班级形成一个团结向上、积极进取的集体；
如果我成为一名班长，我会把课堂活动作为展示自己实力和爱好的地方，把学习当作一种乐趣，在集体中互相帮助；
如果我成为一名班长，我会每周推荐几本好书，并鼓励你有选择地选购好书。
如果你对我有什么意见，请不要怕我。尽管有任问我，我还是会接受并改正。请相信我，支持我。我会做到的。
竞选稿 (五)
尊敬的各位老师、同学们：
大家好。我今天想竞选纪律委员会委员。
在我看来，做一名好的纪律委员，首先要做好以下三件事：
1.以身作则
孔子曰：“其身正，不令则行，其身不正，虽令不从。”首先要要以身作则,起好的榜样式作用。
2。冷静，冷静，冷静，三思而后行，不要冲动；。
3.自觉努力认真接受同学的建议，做到“吾日三省吾身，”时刻鞭策自己。
我认为，我具有班长的主要资本，在我小学5年的干部实践中，我逐渐能够处事沉着、果断，能够顾全大局，学会了怎样为人处世，解决一些矛盾，怎样协调同学之间的关系，动员一切可以团结的力量，怎样处理好学习与工作之间的矛盾。在中学时我担任班长一个月的深厚友谊，班级工作井然有序。
竞争使人优秀也验证优秀。所谓“沧海横流，方显英雄本色。”我虽不是男儿但毫不畏惧竞争，我愿意用实事证明我的实力。
请大家投我一票，谢谢！
竞选稿 (六)
尊敬的老师、同学们，大家好!
首先，非常感谢班级给了我一个“推销自已”的机会，我竞选的是班“文体委员”或“劳动委员”。我的演讲分为两个部分。
一、我的个人情况和任职优势：
我叫***。我12岁了。我喜欢读书，玩电脑，运动和劳动。去年，在我从安徽省滁州市转学之前，我在剑桥英语班学习，也在学习手风琴，并通过了江苏省手风琴一级考试。
自从转入五（6）班起，在老师的关心下，同学们的帮助下，我很快融入了五（6）班这个集体，对学校和班级的情况也比较熟悉和了解了。
我爸爸、妈妈都曾是一名军人，所以我身上拥有许多军人的特点，比如思维活跃、行动敏捷、遵规守纪、不怕脏、不怕累、尊敬老师、善于团结同学、与同学在一起玩时经常是组织者。在滁州，我年年被学校评为“优秀小军属”。因而，我具备了担任一名班干部的能力。
二、我的工作设想：
如果老师信任，学生支持我当选班干部，我会努力做到：
一要坚决服从老师和班长的领导，坚决完成老师布置的任务。
二是注重文化学习，提高班干部的说服力；同时，要主动向老师和老班子干部学习，提高他们的能力。
三是协调好班干部间、同学间的关系，使大家更团结，使我们五（6）班成为学校的“优秀班级”。
四是积极开展文体活动，搞好个人和班级卫生，与大家一道建设好五（6）班这个我们共同的“家”。
最后，不管这场竞选的结果如何，我都会不骄不躁、不气馁地获胜。我相信，有了老师和学生的支持，有了自己的信心、能力和努力，他们就能胜任班干部的岗位！请别忘了投我一票，因为你的支持对我很重要！
谢谢！发言稿（班长竞选）（七）
老师，同学们：
大家好！今天，我很荣幸能站在舞台上，和众多愿意为班级贡献力量的同学一起，参加72班的第一届班委会。我想，我将用旺盛的精力、清醒的头脑来做好班干部工作，来发挥我的长处帮助同学和七(二)班集体共同努力进步！
记得一位名人说过“不要怕推销自己，只要你认为自己有才华，你就应该认为自己有资格担任这个或那个职务”。我想我应该是一个实干家，不需要那些漂亮的文字来修饰。工作锻炼了我，生活造就了我。
本着锻炼自己，为大家服务的宗旨我站在了这里，希望能得到大家的支持。我相信，凭着我的勇气和才干，凭着我与大家同舟共济的深厚友情，我会在任何时候，任何情况下，都首先是“想同学们之所想，急同学们之所急。”我认为一个班干部“无功就是过”。
我将在学生们的**时段，指点山川，发出我们青春的呼唤。当师生发生冲突时，我必须分清是非，敢于坚持原则。特别是当教师的说法或做法不尽正确时，我将敢于积极为同学们谋求正当的权益，如果同学们对我不信任，随时可以提出“不信任案”，对我进行批评。
既然是花，我就要开放；既然是树，我就要长成栋梁；既然是石头，我就去铺路；既然我是班干部，我就要成为一名优秀的航海家！
流星的光辉来自天体的摩擦，珍珠的璀璨来自贝壳的眼泪，而一个班级的优秀来自班干部的领导和全体同学的共同努力。
我相信在同学们的帮助下，我能胜任这份工作。因为这种内在的动力，当我走到这个讲台上，我感到百倍的自信。
谢谢大家的信任！
***2010年4月
竞选稿 (八)
敬爱的老师、亲爱的同学们：
下午好！站在这里，我非常激动，因为我要郑重地向你们宣布，我要竞选队长！第二部分：2015名人励志故事演讲
2015名人励志故事演讲稿
第1部分：名人励志故事演讲-没人需要的数字
老师们，同学们：
大家下午好！我今天演讲的题目是《无人需要的数字》。
爱尔兰作家伯明罕年轻时曾在一所农村小学当过多年教师。那所学校既偏僻又破旧，校舍是由废弃的农场改造而成的，学生最多时也没过百，一片没有任何体育设施的空地是孩子们课间嬉戏玩耍的乐园。加上伯明罕，学校共有三名教师，这两名教师因为忍受不了学校的艰苦和荒凉，相继离开了学校，只留下伯明罕这唯一的教师兼校长坚守在学校。
演讲稿名人(篇3)
三一文库（演讲稿/励志演讲稿
名人演讲稿(一)
--郭敬明访谈：著名作家和公司老板的多重身份
郭敬明，关注80后名人的朋友基本都知道，郭敬明1983年出生，但很多人只知道他是个作家，很少有人知道他的另一个身份：上海柯艾文化传播****董事长
郭敬明作为受欢迎的偶像作家、公司老板等多重身份，凭借高薪入选福布斯中国财富名人榜。
外表看起来，他和同龄人没什么区别，肥肥的牛仔裤、鲜艳的运动鞋、酷酷的墨镜，喜欢看电影、去ktv唱歌，对一切新鲜好玩儿的事情都极有兴趣。但是抛开这些表面，你会发现他的思维和处事方式要比同龄人老道得多，他们的经历和压力也不是一般同龄人可比。
郭敬明前段时间的抄袭风波闹得沸沸扬扬，面对众多指责和负面评论，特别是最后法院判决败诉，这个小小年纪的偶像作家表现出出奇的镇定。从官司发生到现在两年多的时间里，他出版了《岛》书系，发行了第一张**《迷藏》，运作自己的新公司，最近公司策划的《最**》又正式上市……看上去什么都没耽误。
“其实遇到这件事情之前我已经经历过很多事情，能更成熟更冷静地对待了。最开始从一个默默无闻的学生成为一个公众人物的时候，当我发现自己说的很多话会遭到误解和歪曲，心态确实很难调整，听到负面的评价就会觉得特别难过，压力也非常大。现在已经看得比较淡，觉得做好自己的事情就行了。
我写作的灵感通常来自于我生活中发生的事情，或是和朋友们聊聊他们的故事。此外，还有自己的**和其他作家的作品。”至于是不是抄袭，他说随着时间的推移人们会自有公论。
郭敬明很欣赏一句话“无论正面还是负面的评论，都塑造了今天的我”，“其实回过头来看，如果没有那些负面的评价可能也不会成就今天的我，痛苦同时也是一种财富，都是成长的经历，不会有抵触情绪。我们从更多的经验中知道，读者不会完全受到个别负面评论的影响。”
演讲稿名人(篇4)
国家领袖
梦想与责任——巴拉克·奥巴马
and even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country. 即使当你苦苦挣扎、灰心丧气、感到其他人对你放弃时，也不要放弃自己，因为当你放弃自己时，你也抛弃了自己的国家。
must be strong
我们必须坚强——威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿
we must not waste the precious gift of this time. for all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will ***e to an end. but the journey of our prefix = st1 ns = "urn:
schemas-microsoft-***:office:**arttags" america must go on.
我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。因为我们都走在人生的同一条旅程上，所以我们的旅程将终结。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。
the only thing we have to fear is fear itself
我们唯一害怕的是恐惧本身——富兰克林·罗斯福
the only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified
terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.我们唯一害怕的是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
i am prepared to die for an ideal
我愿意为理想献出自己的生命——纳尔逊·曼德拉
i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to see realized.
but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.
我反对白人统治，也反对黑人统治。我珍视民主自由社会的理想
人和睦相处，机会均等。我希望为这个理想而生活，我希望实现它。但如果有必要，我愿意为理想献出我的生命。
we choose to go to the moon
我们选择登月——约翰·肯尼迪
the greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.我们学到
你拥有的知识越多，你意识到的无知就越多。
never tiring, never yielding, never finishing
永不疲倦，永不气馁，永不疲惫——乔治·布什
never tiring, never yielding, neverfinishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.永不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、 更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
折叠编辑本段政治人物
i have a dream
我有一个梦想——马丁路德金
let us not wallow in the valley of despair, i say to you today, my friends. and so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.
朋友们，今天我要对你们说，千万不要沉沦在绝望的深谷里。尽管困难重重，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想深深植根于美国梦。
i quit, but i will continue the fight
我放弃了，但我会继续战斗-希拉里克林顿
on the day we live in an america where no child, no man, and no woman is without health insurance, we will live in a stronger america. that’s why we need to help
elect barack obama our president.当我们有朝一日居住在一个让每个孩子、每个男人、
当每个女人都有医疗保险的时候，我们就有了一个更强大的美国。这就是为什么我们需要帮助巴拉克奥巴马竞选**。
building the foundations for success
为成功做准备——安妮·德萨里斯
knowing who we are and being confident enough to do what matters to us — that’s
重要的事什么。了解自己，自信，做我们认为重要的事是最重要的。
let’s elect barack obama president of usa
让我们选举巴拉克奥巴马为美利坚合众国**
he knows that thread that connects us: our belief in america's promise, our ***mitment to our children's future — he knows that that thread is strong enough to hold us together as one nation even when we disagree.他知道联系我们的纽带是什么，那是我们对美国的信任，是我们对孩子未来的承诺——他知道这些纽带有足够强大的力量把我们作为一个完整的国家团结在一起，即使我们意见不一致。
折叠编辑本段商界精英
unleashing your creativity
释放你的创造力——比尔·盖茨
and i believe that through our natural inventiveness, creativity and willingness to solve tough problems, we're going to make some amazing achievements in all these
我相信，凭借人类天生的发明创造能力，我们可以不畏艰险，持之以恒
在我有生之年，我们将在所有这些领域创造令人满意的成就。
grab your dreams when it shows up
当梦想来临时抓住它——拉里·佩奇
overall, i know it seems like the world is crumbling out there, but it is actually a great time in your life to get a little crazy, follow your curiosity, and be ambitious about it. don't give up on your dreams. the world needs you all!
总而言之，我知道这个世界看起来已支离破碎，但这确实是你们人生中一个伟大的时代，你们可以疯狂一点，追随你们的好奇心，积极进取。不要放弃梦想。世界需要你们。
we are what we choose
选择塑造人生——杰夫·贝索斯
cleverness is a gift, kindness is a choice. gifts are easy — they're given after all. choices can be hard.
you can seduce yourself with your gifts if you're not careful, and if you do, it'll probably be to the detriment of your choices.聪明是一种天赋，而善良是一种选择。很容易获得天赋——毕竟它们是天生的。
而选择却颇为艰难。如果你不小心，你可能会被天赋欺骗，这可能会损害你的选择。
折叠编辑本段作家记者
the spirit of man
人类的精神——威廉·福克纳
he is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of ***passion and sacrifice and endurance.人之不朽不是因为在动物中唯独他永远能发言，而是因为他有灵魂，有同情心、牺牲和忍耐精神。
演讲稿名人(篇5)
i e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.
the recent statements of your executive mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time es when silence is betrayal." and that time has e for us in relation to vietnam.
the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.
moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.
perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.
king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.
"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
i e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.
nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.
it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.
so, i was increasingly pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.
and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest passion while maintaining my conviction that social change es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.
but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.
for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.
for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:
"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:
now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul bees totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.
it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
as if the weight of such a mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a mission -- a mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.
could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?
can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?
and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i e tonight to speak for them.
this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a bined french and japanese occupation and before the munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.
even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.
with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.
even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.
the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
the only change came from america, as we increased our troop mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.
they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.
they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.
they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?
is it among these voiceless ones?
we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.
we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only nonmunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.
could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.
perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?
what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?
surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.
and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.
is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
here is the true meaning and value of passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.
in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.
perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.
at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.
before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.
i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.
i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:
(unquote).
if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.
it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.
number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.
four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.
five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.
part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.
we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful mitment.
we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i remend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.
* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has bee a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.
they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.
and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.
in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.
military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.
it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.
" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...
we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.
a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.
true passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.
" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against muni**. war is not the answer. muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.
let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative antimuni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.
we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of muni** grows and develops.*
these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.
the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.
it is a sad fact that because of fort, placency, a morbid fear of muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now bee the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.
our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."
a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must bee ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now bee an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.
i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.
this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.
he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will bee the order of the day.
we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.
as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).
we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.
procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.
we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.
omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."
we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.
we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.
shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?
or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
名人英语演讲稿范文
名人英语演讲（2）返回目录
this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for o***hing:
ann nixon cooper is 106 yearsold.这次选举有许多优势，许多故事，会被告知几代人。但我今晚想到的是一个在亚特兰大投票给她的女人。
她就像其他数百万人一样，在这次选举中挺身而出，发出自计的声音，除了一件事：尼克松·库珀已经106岁了。
she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.她出生的一代刚刚过去的奴役;当时有没有汽车在道路上或飞机在天空中;当有人能像她一样不参加表决的原因有两个-因为她是一名女子，由于她的颜色**。
and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.今晚，我想所有的，她在整个看到她在美国的世纪-在心痛和希望;的斗争和取得的;的时候，我们被告知，我们不能，和人民谁压上与美国的信条：
是我们能够做到。
at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes di**issed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.当时妇女的声音被压制和他们的希望被驳回，她活着看到他们站起来，说出并达成的选票。
是我们能够做到。
when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of mon purpose. yes we can.当有绝望中的尘埃和抑郁一碗全国的土地，她看到一个民族征服恐惧本身的新政，新的就业机会，一个新的共同使命感。
是我们能够做到。
when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.当炸弹落在我们的港口和***威胁世界，她在那里目睹了一代产生的伟大和***是保存。
是我们能够做到。
she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overe." yes we can.她在那里的巴士蒙哥马利，软管在英国伯明翰，桥梁塞尔玛和传教士从亚特兰大谁告诉人民，“我们克服。
”是我们能够做到。
a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.一名男子降落在月球上，墙上下来在柏林，世界是连接我们自己的科学和想象力。
and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.今年，在这次选举中，她谈到她的手指到屏幕上，她和演员投票，因为1xx年后，在美国，通过最好的时候和最黑暗的时间，她知道怎样可以改变美国。
yes we can.是我们能够做到。
america, we have e so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do.
so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?美国，我们来到迄今。
我们已经看到这么多。但有这么多事情要做。因此，今夜，让我们反问一下我们自己，如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我女儿有幸能和安·尼克松·库珀一样长寿，他们会看到什么变化？
那么我们会取得什么样的进展呢？
this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.这是我们来回答问题的机会，这是我们的时刻。
this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynici** and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.
这是我们的时代，要使我们的人民重新工作并将机会留给我们的子孙；重新恢复繁荣并促进和平；回到我们的美国梦，并重申我们是其中之一的基本事实；当我们呼吸，当我们充满希望的时候，我们遭遇冷嘲热讽和质疑，那些人认为我们无法做到。我们将用一句话回应：不，我们可以！
演讲稿名人(篇6)
篇一：关于名人名言的演讲稿
关于名人名言的演讲稿是关于个人最喜欢的名人名言，为什么喜欢这条名人名言的主题演讲，下面是这篇关于名人名言的演讲稿
关于名人名言的演讲稿一
没有完美的文章，正如没有彻底的绝望--村上春树
在这个世界上，其实存在着两个你，一个是真实的你，一个是幻想中的你，真实的你，也许充满瑕疵，也许不尽完美，也许缺少过人之处，也许无法超越自我，但，幻想中的你，一定是如雕刻一般完美无瑕，毫无任何缺陷。每个人都想在幻想中做自己，但幻想毕竟是幻想，而现实总是尘土飞扬，不是童话中的水晶鞋。不要期望完美，而应该在不完美中不断完善和升华自己。这样的生活能让我们体会到生活的真谛。
完美只是奢望，而绝望也同样是过于悲观的空想，许多人的人生，都是以希望为起点，但却以悲观失望为过程，因而只得以绝望为终点了。这样的态度对待人生，只能使成功化为泡影，因此，我们要积极乐观面对人生，人生虽不像你想象的那么好，也不像你想象的那么坏，只要你无论遇到什么都去寻找事物最美好、最充满阳光的一面，生命总会在你停滞不前、只得徘徊之时，回馈给你灿烂。以希望为出发点，以乐观、自信、毅利为过程，以胜利为终点。
面对失败，我们可以伤痛，但绝不可以一度沉沦，踌躇满志，用时间去抚平悲痛，用奋斗去忘记伤痛，让灿烂在彼岸开放出动人的绚烂，以乐观为人生的主旋律，用心灵去走向生命最美妙的交响曲。
谢谢大家,我的演讲完毕。
关于名人名言的演讲稿二
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学，大家早上好，我今天言讲的名言是勿以善小而不为，勿以恶小而为之大家一定听说过这句千古名句吧!那么，你是否做到这一点呢?就爱护公物而言，你做到了吗?
校园内，课桌上随处可见的涂鸦，那缺胳膊少腿的椅子，那黑乎乎的墙壁，那洗手间已成残废的门板，那破碎的洗手盆同学们，当你看到这原本精致的公物，如今却已经变成了一
堆废物，你是否听到他们在哭泣，正在呼喊?更可恶的是那些破坏者，或许你们只不过是一时兴起，只为求得一丝快感，但你们的所作所为却造成了人们的不变，同时也丢掉了自己的人格与素质。人民教育家陶行知先生曾经说过要晓得一个人爱不爱国，只须看他对公有财产的态度，只须看他对于公有财产有没有不愿取之精神的确，一个连公物都不爱护的人，又怎么能爱国吧?
换言之，如果你连公共财产都不在乎，你怎么能爱学校呢？
公物是为人们服务的，所以破坏公物就等于制造麻烦，使我们的环境更糟糕，我真搞不懂那些破坏者在想什么，为什么会做这些得不偿失的行为?所以当我们看到这些破坏行为时，一定要制止并积极举发他那全集体蒙羞的行为。我们要以破坏公物耻，以爱公护物为荣。
正如我们学校正在开展八荣八耻的教育活动，让我们从我做起，从事做起，从今天做起，以珍惜爱护公物为荣，以损害公物耻，做一个有素质的中学生!
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学，大家早上好，我今天言讲的名言是开卷有益
人们常说：开卷就好，看书就好。然而，经过仔细考虑，这一说法并不完全正确。
如果我们对每一本书都感兴趣，开本书未必有益。 现在的同学可能都喜欢看武侠、言情只类的**、书刊，有时会达到废寝忘食、手不释卷的程度，他们一旦看迷了书，便会走火入魔，那他们上课一心只想着书，没心思学习，成绩就会一落千丈。有些人被书中的一些情节所吸引，模仿书中的人物，有时走上犯罪的道路。
这不是看书害了自己嗎?这只是开卷未必有益中包含的第一层：开卷不一定有益。
而且有第二层。 其二就是，我们看书，要有选择。那些不健康、对我们没有多大请帮我的书，就不要看。
要看书，就看一些有利于我们身心健康、对我们学习、生活中都有请帮我的书。这样的书是一本好书。只有读一本好书，你才能不会灭自己。有人把书比作了好友，看好书，就是交好好友，才会进步;则看不好的书，当然是交不好的人作好友，那样你就会退步。
因为靠近红色，靠近黑色！所以，只有读好书才对你有好处。 因此，我的观点是：
开卷未必有益。我真诚地希望每个学生都能选择阅读。而不要因为看错了一本书，将自己引入歧途，毁了自己的一生。
以上有关名言的演讲在这里介绍给您。 希望对您有所帮助。如果你喜欢这篇文章，请和你的朋友分享。
篇二：历史人物及评价演讲稿
周瑜——赤壁战
各位老师同学们：
大家好今天我所演讲的题目是周瑜——赤壁战说起三国，我们就会想起著名的赤壁之战，而说起赤壁之战，我们就会想起苏东坡那首著名的《赤壁怀古》
“大江东去，浪淘尽，千古风流人物。故垒西边，人道是，三国周郎赤壁。乱石穿空，惊涛裂岸，卷起千堆雪。
江山如画，一时多少豪杰。遥想公瑾当年，小乔初嫁了，雄姿英发。羽扇和纶巾，谈笑风生的房间里，墙壁灰飞烟灭。
故国神游，多情应笑我，早生华发。人生如梦，一尊还酹江月。” 苏东坡这首词写得可真是大气磅礴，它使我们想到三国时代的英雄气概、浪漫情怀。
让我从赤壁之战的故事开始：
曹操在基本统一了北方之后，于七月在建安派兵南下，企图消灭拥有荆州、江东的刘表、孙权，统一全国。今年8月，刘表因病去世。他的二儿子刘琮屯，襄阳，刘备屯，樊城。九月，曹操至新野，刘琮不战而降。
刘备因刘表的粮，草，**等大量物资而从樊城撤至江陵，并命令关羽经汉水带队前往江陵。曹操骑着五千匹马日夜追赶。他打败了刘备，占领了当阳长坂的江陵。刘备放弃撤往江陵的计划，折向东南汉水方向撤退,和自汉水东下的关羽水军会合, 并与刘表长子江夏太守刘琦所部一万余人联军退至夏口，图谋联合孙权抗
击曹操。曹操南下时，孙权派鲁肃到荆州吊唁刘表，并说刘备一心保卫曹操。吕肃和刘备在当阳相识，刘备利用他的计划回到鄂县樊口。
时曹操据江陵, 将顺流东下，形势紧迫，刘备遣诸葛亮随肃往东吴。诸葛亮到柴桑时，孙权收到曹操的来信，说要训练80万水手，在吴与孙权作战。孙权不愿以全吴之地，十万之众受制于曹操，又顾虑孙刘联军不能与曹操相匹敌，犹豫不决。
诸葛亮分析了双方的利弊，指出曹操的士兵在远征中累了。北人不习水战。孙刘联合，定可取胜。
以鲁肃为代表的孙权主战派和以张昭为首的和平主战派也展开了激烈的争论。诸葛亮指除了主要学派和和声学派观点的错误，进一步消除了孙权的顾虑。孙权决心与刘抗曹联手，从鄱阳召回周瑜。
周瑜支持诸葛亮、鲁肃的意见，指出中原曹军实际只有15万人，精疲力竭。所得刘表新降的七八万人，人心并不向曹。此外，马超和韩遂还在关西，这也是曹操后来的麻烦。这些都是对曹操不利的因素。
孙权坚定了刘备打赢曹操的信心，任命周瑜、程普为左右都军，任命鲁肃为赞军校队长。周瑜率精锐部队三万人,沿江而上至夏口,与刘备统军两万多人会合，共同抗曹。
孙刘联军溯江西进,与顺流而下的曹军在赤壁相遇曹军初战不利，退往长江北岸的乌林，双方隔江对峙。北方士兵不习惯住在船上。曹操下令用铁绳把**拴在一起，以减少风浪的颠簸。周瑜建议黄盖用火力进攻战术打败曹军。
曹操骄傲轻敌，相信黄盖的诈降，黄盖带十艘蒙冲斗舰，满载薪草膏油，外用帷幕伪装，顺风驶向曹船，因风纵火，燔烧曹军船只，火势延及岸上营垒。曹军人马烧溺，**惨重。周瑜、
刘备军队水陆并进，曹操沿华容小道，向江陵方向狼狈退却，加以瘟疫、饥饿，曹军损失大半。赤壁之战后，曹操回到北方，不能再南下。刘备也趁机通过这场战争占领了荆州大部分地区。
稍后又夺得刘璋的益州。孙权占领江东，形成了魏、蜀、吴三绝的局面。
我来谈谈赤壁之战中的周瑜
周瑜战前的准备工作：
一、 周瑜先为抗曹出兵“正名” 周瑜把曹操定位成“汉贼”，提
出“为汉家除残去秽”。使得抗曹成为出师有名，以顺诛
逆的军事行动。
2、 周瑜分析了曹操被吴打败的原因。
一。战争的性质：孙权所掌握的是正义的旗帜；
2。曹军长途跋涉，孙刘联军从容待命；
三。军事力量分析：曹军率领10万余人北上刘琮投降
七八十万人，二十五六十万人，曹军，水土
不服，长途跋涉，不习水战；
4、 曹操后方的存在的致命的弱点：今北土既未平安，加马超、韩遂尚在关西，为操后患。且舍鞍马，仗舟楫，与吴越争衡，本非中国所长。又今盛寒，马无藁草，驱中
国士众远涉江湖之间，不习水土，必生疾病。此数四者，
用兵之患也，而操皆冒行之。
三、投降的危害性：别人还能为臣孙权无路可走也。
通过战前周瑜用以上所列的的准备说服了孙权，打消了孙权的顾虑为赤壁之战稳定了后方，从这战前的准备可以看出周瑜能抓住事情的本质，能冷静的思考问题，处理问题的方法运用得当。
周瑜战中计策运用：
一。用打黄盖的方法躲开蔡中蔡和；
2。曹操用假信杀了蔡瑁、张允将军；
3、 运用火攻灭了曹操； 通过在战中周瑜计策的运用可以看出周瑜在于人斗智斗勇时左右逢源，才智过人。 以上是我本人个人的看法不足之处请大家批评指正谢谢大家我的演讲到此结束。
篇三：名人在我心中演讲稿
做最真的自己
各位领导、老师、同学们：
大家下午好！我是来自九八班的赵金莎。今天我要演讲的题目是《做最真的自己》。
岁月的烟波与天河相连，历史的巨浪与大地相连。随着时代的变迁，许多历史人物已经在我们的心中褪色。说到名人，也许学生们会谈论他们的偶像。但我想说的是，在中国古代漫长的历史长河中，涌现出无数名人，你还记得吗？
虽然他们的生命早已逝去，但他们的故事已经流传开来，他们的精神永远闪耀！
文天祥有“人生自古谁无死，留取丹心照汗青”的气概；曹操有“老骥伏枥，志在千里”的雄心壮志；岳飞有“怒发冲冠凭栏处”的杀敌报国之情。而“不为五斗米折腰”则是陶渊明的高风亮节。 “采菊东离下，悠然见南山”是我对陶渊明最初的认识，那种淡泊名利的心境至今深深影响着我。
奄奄一息的胡子忘记了他沉寂的岁月，白色的衣裳停泊在深山的慵懒中。此时的他，对自己的选择，无悔而坚定。
几年前的斗迹官场，你傲然挺立，不动摇，不受秽。面对黑暗，你纵身离去。围篱种菊播苗，你乐得自在，活得逍遥。世界说你傻，你却笑得轻声细语，笑他们的心是黑暗的，你看不到肮脏的世界。
南山月下的明月点亮了人间的迷茫，不为权利而读书，不为利益而战，不为官名而活。古往今来，名士千千万，真正能做到这些的又有几个呢？哪怕是淡泊明志的诸葛孔明也坚守不住一
亩三分的净土。却唯有他，为那一壶一卷与世俗决裂，着一身布衣，穿一双芒鞋，飘然而去，与山间幸福相伴，赠给世人一个坚定的背影。
陶渊明笑看世人追名逐利，自己置身世外，更有一种达观的心态, 他追求的是淳朴真诚，淡泊高远，无身外之求的人生。远离尘世，看着花开花落，他的生活很清松。然而，在竞争日益激烈的现代社会，人们在喧嚣的世界中迷失了自我，失去了本性，变得越来越不真实。
演讲稿名人(篇7)
提到王羲之不得不提到《兰亭序》，东晋有一个风俗，在每年阴历三月三，人们必须去河边玩一玩，以消除不祥。东晋永和九年三月三日，王羲之邀请谢安、孙绰等四十一位文人齐聚会稽山阴兰亭饮酒作诗。42位名士列坐溪边，由书僮将盛满酒的羽觞放入溪水中，随风而动，羽觞停在谁的位臵，此人就得赋诗一首，倘若是作不出来，就要罚酒三杯。
正在众人沉醉在酒香诗美的回味之时，有人提议不如将当日所做的三十七首诗，汇编成集，这便是《兰亭
集》。这时众家又推王羲之写一篇《兰亭集序》。王羲之酒意正浓，提笔在蚕纸上畅意挥毫，一气呵成，名噪天下的《兰亭序》由此而生。
每次提起王羲之，大家都会佩服他的成就，惊叹他的才华，但他成功的背后是更多的汗水和勤奋。爱迪生说过：“天才是百分之一的灵感和百分之九十九的汗水”，充分证明 “天道酬勤” 这个自然规律，它决不亏待勤奋的人。
一个不愿付出艰苦劳动的人、一个甚至不肯挥洒汗水的人只能虚度年华空白少年头。人类历史创造了两种天才：一种是极其聪明的，另一种是勤奋的。
而历史对后者格外垂青。因此，你若立志创造一番事业，那么，勤奋之舟则是万万不能弃之不用的。
最后，我想用《周易》里的一句话作为结语，与大家共勉：天行健，君子以自强不息；地势坤，君子以厚德载物。
演讲稿名人(篇8)
青春演讲稿
青春励志演讲稿
理想演讲稿
梦想演讲稿
态度演讲稿
励志语录
励志的句子
励志个性签名
励志座右铭
励志名言
励志美文
为了更好的帮助广大同学点燃学习激情，树立自信，明确中高考目标，缓解考试前心理压力;使学生能够养成良好的学习、生活习惯，阚疃中学于2015年3月16日邀请全国知名励志演说家周淘智先生，为毕业班学生作一场以“凝聚青春正能量，共筑美丽中国梦，挑战中高考极限”为题的演讲报告会。
据悉，周淘智先生是著名的潜在励志专家、中国励志演讲集团首席讲师、淘智教育创始人。多年来淘智先生投身励志教育，带领自己的团队在全国举办千人以上的演讲会800余场，大力推广励志文化，倡导素质教育。他用“励志”唤醒青少年的潜能，用“演讲”激发青少年的自信，受到广大学生及家长欢迎，得到众多**关注。
国家励志奖学金演讲稿周淘智老师紧密结合当代中学生的学习与生活现实，用生动感人的事例、富有哲理的内容、充满激情的语言和幽默风趣的风格，或独立演说，或与师生互动，或组织毕业年级宣誓活动，整个演讲过程别开生面，高潮迭起。他积极鼓励学生保持良好的心态，勇敢面对现实，挑战自我，超越自我，激发青春，走向成功。同学们或激情澎湃，或埋头思索，或感动流泪，或暗下决心，他们纷纷表示，将以更加积极的状态、更加昂扬的斗志和更加坚定的信心，“凝聚青春正能量，共筑美丽中国梦”，为更加美好的明天努力拼搏。
演讲会让同学们受到了一次震撼心灵的励志教育。
演讲结束时，科疃学区中心学校副校长朱勇对周淘智的励志演讲给予高度评价。他要求全体同学把周老师激励起来的信心、决心、意志、毅力等良好品质当作人生财富保持下去，进而坚定目标，放飞梦想，激发潜能，落实行动，让自己“因梦想而伟大”，用激情与奋斗成就自己的梦想。
大家好!
有一个故事讲的是一头驴背着两捆草。他饿了。他应该放下哪个包吃？他一直犹豫不决，饿死了。这个故事有点夸张，但是生活中有很多交叉点，每个人都会在上面徘徊。
做出选择既困难又痛苦。 这里有* *和那里有* *。我该选哪一个？我的同学出国了。我应该去新东方学习托福吗？
我的发小考公务员了，我是不是也要买书复习了?电视上说有个人小学没毕业做电商就发财了，我是不是也要到**上开个店铺?
你今天听到东边热闹往东跑，明天听到西边热闹，就掉头往西边跑。很多年下来，你会变成一个无头，一个锤子西一个槌，跑累了，没有积累。我认为，如果你觉得自己还年轻，那一定要花点时间想一想，不说长了，就是未来的十到十五年时间，你到底要想成为怎样的人?
未来十到十五年，你到底最想获得什么?这是最重要的。这个东西，你可以说是梦想，也可以说是价值。
为什么？因为一旦你搞清楚了，以后你做任何判断和选择都会容易得多。有助于实现我梦想的，我就干。
没帮助，我就放弃。锚定你的梦想。无论你在短期内遇到什么或遇到什么困难，都不会影响你的判断和选择。
在这一点上，我很幸运，在困难面前我很少挥杆，经常拍拍脑袋做决定。因为我上高中的时候，就想清楚了我这辈子要干什么。我不想要进到一个仰人鼻息的单位去，我就梦想着要开个自己的电脑公司编软件，自己安排生活和命运，而且做好了，很多人都用，这样很有成就感。
一旦你有了这个想法，所有的选择都非常简单。例如，我在高中的时候，在全国物理竞赛中的了奖。很多大学都愿意录取我，有不同的专业。其中一所比较有名的大学想让我进入食品工程专业。
我父母听说以后十分高兴，他们经历过吃不饱饭的年代，觉得上了这个专业，以后就不愁吃饭了。但我强烈反对，因为我对食物不感兴趣，我只想做软件。当时，西安交通大学也来招收我。当时，我不知道西安交通大学是干什么的。我以为那是一所铁路大学。
但是西安交通大学让我去了计算机系，所以我去了，因为它达到了我的目标。相反，我的许多同学是根据当时的流行和不流行选择他们的专业的。 他们中许多人选择了国际* *。这种选择看起来很聪明，但现在看来，这未必是他们真正想要的，也未必是自己能够施展才华的地方。
如果你这么说，我的目标很简单。每年挣50万元。对于这样一个目标，我的建议是这个目标不应该太具体。太短期和太物质化的目标不能内化为你的梦想。
像年薪50万、100万这样的目标，你可能很快就实现了，然后就失去了梦想，没了目标，跟有些拿到巨额拆迁款的人一样，沉溺于赌博，把自己的未来都毁了;或者有的物质化目标很难实现，比如你想成为中国首富，可能你很快就放弃了。在我看来，只有这种非营利性的梦想和目标，才能激励一个人长期不断地追求。
我大学毕业时，也面临着选择。到底是去南方的某家银行工作，拿一月3000元的高薪，还是去北京的一家大型电脑公司，拿一月800元的工资?我没什么犹豫就选择了后者，因为只有到电脑公司，才能学习怎么做软件，才有机会实现我的梦想。
后来我离开这家电脑公司到互联网里去创业，有很多人说：“你太有勇气了，放弃了高薪和职位。”但是我觉得这不需要什么勇气。
它不再适合我了。它不能帮助我实现我的梦想。别人认为珍贵的东西对我来说什么都不是。所以，你的梦想和目标不跟物质挂钩，物质就不会成为你选择时的掣肘。
对于高中生来说，**可能是一个看起来很有前途的专业。对于大学生来说，**可能是一份薪水丰厚、人人羡慕的工作。但当你越走越远，物质对象越来越大，你需要坚定的梦想指南针来指引你。
当年我要离开雅虎，因为在里面不能创新，很多好想法实现不了，这种氛围让我窒息，让我忍无可忍。雅虎表示，如果想提前辞职，将扣除3000万美元。即使放到现在，这也是一笔不小的数目。
很多人为我感到难过，说你还要再过一年半。我不想混，也最痛恨混。自由对我来说是最重要的，做我想做的事最重要的。
于是，我再一次的创业。于是，有了360。
可以说，直到现在我的梦想从未改变，但是我的行业已经从计算机发展到了互联网和手机。我的目标很简单。我总是想做别人从未想过的产品。我的产品可以改变数百万人的生活和工作方式。这个梦想可以说是我实现了，也可以说是我没有实现，因为我认为还有更多的好主意要做。
90后年轻人朝气蓬勃。你应该有更好的梦想。希望您能考虑一下自己的未来。想想10年、15年后，大家再聚首的时候，你希望自己成为什么样的人，这才是最重要的。
谢谢大家!
曾经，大学生是天之骄子，谁家中出了一名大学生更可谓是光宗耀祖，门楣大幸，但随着社会的发展，各大高校的扩招，大学生在社会中所占比率越来越高，虽然，大学生依旧是祖国的栋梁，民族的希望，但相应的问题也随之而来。
在大学生中普遍存在着一些片面抑或极端的思想倾向，而这些倾向桎梏了同学的思维，抹杀了同学们的创造力，阻碍了同学们的进步和成功，比如大学生中的浮躁风，机械思想，极端个人主义，忽视体育锻炼等，这些都是遏制人才，残骸栋梁的**。
当代大学生，受当前全球化和市场经济所带来的一些不良思想潜移默化的影响，加上当前独生子女增多，在家中可谓集万千宠爱于一身，任何事物张嘴便可要来，伸手便可拿来，因此许多不良习气也都有所沾染，如何能帮助这些学子走上正确的人生轨道，改正不良习气及习惯，是我们社会人都应该考虑及身体力行的。
首先，与时代接轨，与国际接轨，个人命运与时代命运息息相关。青年的未来离不开国家的未来，国家的未来离不开青年的未来。大学生只有将个人的前途名誉同国家民族的发展前途结合在一起，才能真正的实现个人理想，做对社会有用，对自己无愧的优质人才。
二是充分利用现有条件，成为优秀人才和栋梁。
众所周知，今天是知识的时代。只有真正的人才，才能在未来日益复杂的社会中赢得一席之地。所以，我们每位大学生在校期间，应该充分利用各种资源，不符按的提升自己，超越自己，有专业所长、有眼光、有创造力。励志演讲三然后，要成为培养德智体美劳全面发展的好学生，好公民，培养高尚且健全人格，以健康的身心迎接困难及挑战。
同时，养成大爱，以博大的胸怀去为人处世，从而形成基本的价值观、道德观、思维观和社会工作的能力，为将来的走向社会服务他人奠定夯实的基础。
最后，把握有限的时间，创造无限的生命。当代大学生往往刚刚步入社会，年轻而朝气蓬勃。他们应该学习例行公事，培养分析能力和判断力，三思而后行。同时注意个人言行，知礼，诚信，明德，修身，学会控制自己，调整自己，走向社会、参与实践、志愿服务、公益事业，以充分展现个人魅力及个人修养，这将会是我们今后就业中无形的财富。
望当今大学生，承前启后，实事求是，活出自我，少年强则，学子们，愿你们用努力与奋斗托起明天旭日，扛起中国脊梁。
我讲的题目是《幸福的哲学》。
我一辈子幸福感最强烈的时候，是什么时候?主要是两段时光。一段是谈恋爱的时候。
我在上初中的时候，就暗恋一个女生，她坐在我后面三四排的样子。在课堂上，我总是回头看她。后来，慢慢地，我想让她知道我在看着她。我总是看着她，她知道。只要我回头看她，她就脸红了。
我现在还记得她的样子，圆脸，经常穿一件绿色的衣服，那时候脑子里面老是在打腹稿，写情书，怎么样给她写情书。初三的时候，她坐在我旁边。那时，我很高兴。
然后我在17岁的时候上了北京大学。那真是青春期。有一天，我突然发现世界上有那么多美丽的女孩，我突然觉得世界很美好，生活也很美好。当时，我写了很多诗，都是情诗，但没有对象。
或者看到一个可爱的女孩，写一首歌，其实我并不认识她。她盯着我看，我心跳了好久，我回去写诗。
爱情真的是人生的幸福，一个非常重要的内容。两个人相爱，不管他们相爱多久，他们可能会在一后分手，但你们相爱的时候是美好的。如果你最终分手了，不要责怪对方，要心存感激，感谢对方给了你一个好日子。
现在很多人经常互相抱怨。我觉得没必要。那有的人就说了，他说当然爱是美好的，但是他对我不是爱，他是骗了我。那我说，你也不要埋怨，你应该怎么样?
你应该鄙视他。他不值得你爱，也不值得你抱怨。怨恨也是一种很沉重的感觉。你应该保留你的感情，不要浪费在他身上。